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        <title>Red County Book Club</title>
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        <description>Book reviews and recommended readings</description>
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        <copyright>Copyright 2008</copyright>
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            <title>Churchill, Hitler, and the Unnecessary War by Patrick Buchannan</title>
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<![CDATA[<span class="mt-enclosure mt-enclosure-image" style="display: inline;"><a onclick="window.open('http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/Buchannan.php','popup','width=115,height=115,scrollbars=no,resizable=no,toolbar=no,directories=no,location=no,menubar=no,status=no,left=0,top=0'); return false" href="http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/Buchannan.php"><img class="mt-image-left" style="margin: 0px 20px 20px 0px; float: left;" alt="Buchannan.jpg" src="http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/Buchannan-thumb-100x100.jpg" height="100" width="100" /></a>If I were to title this review article, it would be: Churchill, Buchannan, and a Pleading for a Purge, for this review is surely not about Hitler, and not about World War II. Unlike the author of the book I am reviewing, I feel no temptation to wonder if perhaps Hitler was trustworthy or not. I do not believe England was unwise and stubborn to resist Hitler's offer to leave them alone if they would just let him take over Europe. There is no attraction to the novel idiocy of wondering if World War II needed to be fought or not. Additionally, I have long passed the historical ignorance that says only England's commitment to defending Poland caused the great war. Hitler need not be mentioned in this review, because the facts about Hitler are incontestable. He was maniacal. He was as immoral as any man the planet earth as ever seen. And those who opposed him saved the world. If I were to write a book about that era, I would be writing one that condemned Hitler, and praised Churchill. But the book I am reviewing takes a different approach. And the book I am reviewing, should be avoided like the plague.<br /><br />It is difficult to enumerate the historical inaccuracies in Buchannan's latest diatribe against the heroes of the 20th century. His agenda has become so clear, I question why he continues to be taken seriously in the cable news circuit (though on the other hand, I can see why at least the liberal networks would take glee at seeing this provocateur gain TV screen exposure). The underlying thesis of this 425 page waste of time is that Churchill is idolized by history incorrectly, and that he was an ignorant warmonger who had a bone to pick with the not-so-bad Germans. Buchannan posits that England's role in World War II ruined its once great empire, and that Churchill was the malfeasance who led them astray. He believes that the Holocaust could have been avoided if Churchill had not pushed England into a World War, a statement so offensive, so ghastly, so revisionist, and so preposterous, I am now led to the title I suggested for my own review.<br /><br />It is time to purge Pat Buchannan from the orthodox circles of conservatism. The man is a disgrace. His efforts to combat multi-culturalism were admirable, until he went so far as to blast all multi-ethnic cultures. His exhortations for an intelligible foreign policy were appreciated, until his rhetoric against the Bush administration and the efforts to bring democracy to the middle east surpassed the extremism and radicalism of MoveOn.org. And frankly, his belief that history has been too kind to Winston Churchill had some merit, until he wrote this anti-semitic piece of garbage. And yes, that is the term I am purposely using - "anti-semitic."<br /><br />I can not comprehend for the life of me how someone can believe that the Holocaust, which began as early as 1936, and has never been linked to English defense of Poland by any historian, ever, at any time, unless they have an axe to grind. For Pat, my careful discernment has led me to conclude the only possible conclusion - that is angst against American policy towards Israel, his opposition to a Jewish nation-state, his sickening work in placing Churchill and Hitler on a level moral playing field - are the results of anti-semitic tendencies and presuppositions. I would like to think that the conservative movement would keep this man out of their midst just on the basis of his economic illiteracy (overt trade protectionism), but I realize there is room for disagreement here. But if the guards of the conservative orthodoxy gate were to read this latest rant, I have no doubt that Buchannan would finally be viewed with the distrust and distaste I have learned to view him with. I do not say these words lightly.<br /><br />I commend to readers of my article Christopher Hitchens' carving up of Buchannan's book in a recent issue of Newsweek magazine, and I also heartily encourage readers to see the book reviewed in National Review by David Pryce-Jones. They do a far more thorough and exhaustive job than I care to do in critiquing both the philosophy and history that is guiding Buchannan. For me, I simply wish to see him purged from our conservative midst. We have enough problems next door that we do not need this nuisance in our own yard.</span>]]>

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            <link>http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/2008/07/churchill-hitler-and-the-unnec/</link>
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                <category domain="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category">Book Review</category>
            
                <category domain="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category">FEATURE</category>
            
            
            <pubDate>Sun, 06 Jul 2008 18:56:14 -0800</pubDate>
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            <title>&quot;The Return of History and the End of Dreams&quot; by Robert Kagan</title>
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<![CDATA[<p>&nbsp;</p>
<div>
<span class="mt-enclosure mt-enclosure-image" style="DISPLAY: inline"><a onclick="window.open('http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/Kagan.php','popup','width=240,height=240,scrollbars=no,resizable=no,toolbar=no,directories=no,location=no,menubar=no,status=no,left=0,top=0'); return false" href="http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/Kagan.php"><img class="mt-image-left" style="FLOAT: left; MARGIN: 0px 20px 20px 0px" height="100" alt="Kagan.jpg" src="http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/Kagan-thumb-100x100.jpg" width="100" /></a></span>I would read a lot more books if they were all 105 pages.&nbsp; Kagan's masterpiece, <em>Dangerous Nation, </em>was nearly&nbsp;400 pages, and was not quite the four-hour read that this little gem was.&nbsp; But then again, if all books, of any length, were as good as Robert Kagan's latest piece, I would read a lot more books then too.&nbsp;</div>
<div>&nbsp;</div>
<div>This masterful alumnus of the Ronald Reagan state department, who serves as the Senior Associate of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, has once again challenged me in some of former presuppositions about former policy.&nbsp; Unlike <em>Dangerous Nation, </em>wherein he turns on its head the ludicrous notion that our founding fathers were radical isolationist types in the mold of present day Ron Pauls and Lew Rockwells, his latest book challenges my own faulty belief that Islamo-fascism represents the only world event one ought to be paying attention to.&nbsp; Indeed, readers who read books to find solace and comfort ought not book up this little primer.&nbsp; For one thing Kagan's <em>The Return of History and the End of Dreams </em>does is decimate ill-found comfort in the state of world affairs.</div>
<div>&nbsp;</div>
<div>Contrary to what my preceding paragraph may sound like, Kagan does nothing to indicate that the Islamic threat is not huge, and growing, as it pertains to global peace and prosperity.&nbsp; Much space is devoted in particular to the horrendous concern that Iran may indeed become a nuclear power - and soon.&nbsp; However, to Kagan, the notion that the end of the cold war ushered in "the end of history", where we now stood at the precipice of global modernity and enlightenment peace and prosperity, has not been merely "delayed" by the Islamicists.&nbsp; Indeed, the very notion itself was ridiculous, and came about as a result of deeply flawed ideological tenets held by many domestically and abroad.&nbsp; And right now, as Kagan sees it, there is a gigantic divide between the "democratic powers" (the USA, primarily, and the EU nations as well), and then the autocratic powers (Russia and China, primarily).&nbsp; This brief read will provide you an extraordinary description of the state of world affairs, and why Russia's relationship with its geographical neighbors, and&nbsp;China's continued venom towards the situation with Taiwan, represent a time bomb for the global landscape.&nbsp; But more than his thorough and insightful description, he provides genuine and intelligent prescription as well, and for this reviewer, he has powerfully connected the "what is" to the "what ought to be."</div>
<div>&nbsp;</div>
<div>I can easily write a review of this treatise that exceeds the length of the treatise itself, but I will instead encourage readers to digest this on their own.&nbsp; Kagan is a true lover of Democracy, and understands the powerful forces that compete in the world today.&nbsp; His new book dismantles the idea that "a liberal international order rests of the triumph of ideas and on the natural unfolding of progress."&nbsp; Recognizing such a hope as extremely attractive and rationalistic, he prods us past our enlightenment fantasies and on the world in which we live - and are likely to live in for some time.&nbsp; He never discounts the "powerful aspects of human nature, the desire for personal autonomy, recognition, and freedom of thought and conscience" that the liberal democratic idea represents.&nbsp; However, he sees the struggles of power, economy, and nationalistic pride that exist between today's democratic and autocratic regimes as very much of a perpetrator in complicating such utopian hopes.&nbsp; Instead, to Kagan, "the future international order will be shaped by those who have the power and collective will to shape it.&nbsp; The question is whether the world's democracies will again rise to that challenge."&nbsp; </div>]]>

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            <link>http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/2008/06/the-return-of-history-and-the/</link>
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                <category domain="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category">Book Review</category>
            
                <category domain="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category">FEATURE</category>
            
            
            <pubDate>Sat, 07 Jun 2008 21:54:41 -0800</pubDate>
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            <title>&quot;The Good of Affluence&quot; by Dr. John Schneider</title>
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<span class="mt-enclosure mt-enclosure-image" style="DISPLAY: inline"><a onclick="window.open('http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/Affluence.php','popup','width=240,height=240,scrollbars=no,resizable=no,toolbar=no,directories=no,location=no,menubar=no,status=no,left=0,top=0'); return false" href="http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/Affluence.php"><img class="mt-image-left" style="FLOAT: left; MARGIN: 0px 20px 20px 0px" height="100" alt="Affluence.jpg" src="http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/Affluence-thumb-100x100.jpg" width="100" /></a></span>Of all the issues that&nbsp;hold ideological significance in my life, none reach the level of gravity that the subject of faith and capitalism do.&nbsp; I am convinced that there are more souls to be won by demonstrating the compatibility of free market economics with the Judeo-Christian worldview than any other mechanism on the planet.&nbsp; Likewise, I am convinced that there are more societies and nations that can be won over to prosperity and freedom, if but only for the faith community's stubborn inability to embrace such.&nbsp; Dr. John Schneider's remarkable work,<span class="Apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span><em>The Good of Affluence: Seeking God in a Culture of Wealth,<span class="Apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span></em>is a huge first step in seeing this dream become reality.&nbsp;</div>
<div>&nbsp;</div>
<div>I do not know what impact the book will end up having, as I do not believe it has received the audience it deserves.&nbsp; I am determined to change that.&nbsp; But allow me to comment a bit on what the book has successfully demonstrated:</div>
<div>&nbsp;</div>
<div>- That God, as part of his normative will, desires for His people to live in delight.&nbsp; Our covenantal journey is one of starting at, and returning to, Edenic conditions.&nbsp; This is an economic journey, just as it is a spiritual and moral one.&nbsp; Schneider's thesis ought not be confused with prosperity theology.&nbsp; Schneider does not argue that all Christians will live in prosperity; he merely argues that those who do are called to such, and ought not be ashamed.</div>
<div>&nbsp;</div>
<div>- The doctrine of moral proximity.&nbsp; That is, that believers are most responsible for the things most proximate to them.&nbsp; After reading Schneider's elaboration here, it is almost too obvious to be profound.&nbsp; But I believe it has gigantic implications in the Christian life.</div>
<div>&nbsp;</div>
<div>- That the "problem texts" for rich Christians are 100% of the time "problems" only for those abusing the poor - not those whose hard work and ambition has created material abundance.&nbsp; Schneider carries us through Eden, the Exodus, the prophets, and the age of Jesus' own earthly ministry.&nbsp; He powerfully posits that&nbsp;riches are not only not condemned in the Scriptures, they are encouraged.&nbsp; This is where Schneider's credentials as a theologian become very valuable.&nbsp; Pagans like Adam Smith, F.A. Hayek, Joseph Schumpter, and Ludwig Von Mises have done yeoman's work in demonstrating the superior capabilities of free market ideology.&nbsp; Contemporary economists like Milton Friedman and Larry Kudlow have elaborated on such, and done so with a certain appreciation for faith and values.&nbsp; But theologically pedigreed scholars have been few and far between in the movement to advocate a decidedly capitalistic culture.&nbsp; Schneider gives us the best of all worlds.</div>
<div>&nbsp;</div>
<div>The notion that all Christians belong in the "promised land" is rank heresy.&nbsp; But so is the idea that all Christians belong in the "wilderness".&nbsp; The sociological benefits of capitalism are so clear and so persuasive it is remarkable that the discussion still has to take place.&nbsp; The Proverbial message of hard work leading to prosperity is not merely descriptive - it is prescriptive as well.&nbsp; Schneider goes beyond the historical, sociological, and economic arguments for free market capitalism.&nbsp; He intertwines such with the theological prescription that has been so massively absent from the works of Ron Sider, Jim Wallis, and Brian McClaren.&nbsp; No theology professor in the country has written a book as important as Schneider's this decade.&nbsp; I commend it wholeheartedly, and even more so, commend the efforts of all people of faith to bridge political and economic ideology with theology.</div></div></span></blockquote><br />]]>

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            <link>http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/2008/06/the-good-of-affluence-by-dr-jo/</link>
            <guid>http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/2008/06/the-good-of-affluence-by-dr-jo/</guid>
            
                <category domain="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category">Book Review</category>
            
                <category domain="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category">FEATURE</category>
            
            
            <pubDate>Sat, 07 Jun 2008 21:50:41 -0800</pubDate>
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            <title>Book Review: &quot;God and Gold&quot; by Walter Russell Mead</title>
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<![CDATA[<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p>
<span class="mt-enclosure mt-enclosure-image" style="DISPLAY: inline"><a onclick="window.open('http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/God%20and%20Gold.php','popup','width=500,height=500,scrollbars=no,resizable=no,toolbar=no,directories=no,location=no,menubar=no,status=no,left=0,top=0'); return false" href="http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/God%20and%20Gold.php"><img class="mt-image-left" style="FLOAT: left; MARGIN: 0px 20px 20px 0px" height="100" alt="God and Gold.jpg" src="http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/God%20and%20Gold-thumb-100x100.jpg" width="100" /></a></span>The 21st century has begun, and few could argue that it has launched with a bang, not a whimper. Less than one decade into the third millennium, and nearly all of the events, values, and patterns that dictated the direction of history over the last three centuries are being called into question. Francis Fukuyama has posited that we are living in the "end of history." Historians wonder if the age of Anglo-Saxon preeminence has come to and end. Economists and clergy alike interact with the relationship between faith and prosperity. Sociologists examine the impact globalization is having on social ills like poverty and disease. Western Europe is frequently described as a "post-Christian" culture, with America said to be not far behind. The role of faith in the institutions of society (the academy, the workplace, politics, the arts) is scrutinized routinely, and aggressively. The impact the American experiment has had on the human condition is debated passionately, with varying conclusions offered from all sides of the economic, religious, and political spectrums. The era of the "American empire" is called into question repeatedly, and some would say, so is the very future of western civilization.<br /><br />These contemporary discussions do not lend themselves to linear thought processes. Simple premises, followed by simple conclusions, are hardly helpful. These are gigantic themes, requiring complex and nuanced perspectives. Bland understandings of history, culture, and philosophy are nuisances. Fortunately, in the midst of a need for serious and great discussion and understanding of these issues comes God and Gold, by the incomparable Walter Russell Mead, one of the best books I have ever read, and perhaps the most insightful and intellectual commentary on the present historical paradigm to have ever been penned.<br /><br />Norman Podhoretz once said of William Buckely that he ought to have two types of fans: those who admire him for his ideological contributions and impeccable writing abilities, and then those who admire him for his impeccable writing abilities. Buckley's most ardent foes could not deny that he was a gifted writer, perhaps as remarkable in his poetry, creativity, and vocabulary as he was in his brilliant contributions to social and political thought. Mead is such a writer as well. It would take a rare kind of illiterate to not appreciate the remarkable writing abilities of Walter Russell Mead, regardless of one's feelings on his historical and socio-political commentary. This alone is reason enough to commend this fine work, but much more needs to be said.<br /><br />I have long been an outspoken advocate of "American exceptionalism" - the seemingly irrefutable contention that America possesses a special place in God's plan and God's providence. Her heritage screams of her exceptionalism, and the future carries with it the magnificent responsibility that America's lot has created. What Mead does in this book is expand on "American exceptionalism", and essentially show how the greatness and responsibility ushered in over the last three centuries is really an extension of the exceptionalism of the entire Anglo-Saxon civilization. Mead defines this in the context of the synthesis between the Anglo-Saxon "religious belief system and its historical experience." The Anglo-Saxon attitude was one where "a new kind of religious equilibrium in which capitalism and social change came to be accepted as good things." He refers to this as the "Whig narrative." The book devotes massive space to analyzing the historical roots of Anglo-Saxon civilization, and drawing the parallels between Cromwell's England, and what would become the great American experiment. The history lesson alone is worth this 400-page read.<br /><br />But alas, this is not merely an historical text. It is deeply ideological and extraordinarily provocative. As one who considers the integration of the Judeo-Christian faith with the forces of modernity, progress, and economic advancement to be the great and crucial issue of our time, no issue could be of greater interest to this reviewer. Rooted in the Anglican triad of reason, revelation, and tradition, Mead analyzes with much depth the religious foundation of Western civilization and the cultural forces that created the paradigm we now face. The extraordinary challenge of establishing global democratic peace is critiqued, along with the delusional utopianism that such is often (though not always) accompanied by. To Mead, "we are not in an age of collapsing grand narratives; we are in an age of competing grand narratives", and it is this competition that creates the stage for the modern dialogue. Mead's admiration for the role of capitalism in setting the world stage is clear to see, and he views Adam Smith's "invisible hand" as a defining mark of the Anglo paradigm (the whig narrative). "The cult of the invisible hand, uniquely intense, uniquely widespread and all-pervading, may be the chief difference between the English-speaking world and the rest of the world." Mead credits America's birth to the bridging of Smith's invisible hand with Jefferson's idea of democracy ("an adaptation of the dynamics of the invisible hand to the political sphere: the action of individual human beings, controlled only by their sense of their own interests, producing an orderly and harmonious society." Other societies had possessed capitalist underpinnings, and other societies had embraced democratic ideals. But it is the mix of a "capitalist system .. with a political system and political values that can accommodate the clashes of opposed interest without blowing up" that made our great experiment unique and profound. <br /><br />Mead pulls no punches in demonstrating liberal democratic capitalism to be rooted in the heritage of Christianity. The noted trend towards secularization (post-Darwin) in American thought and life do not negate the rich and abundant heritage this country has in a Protestant faith. To Mead, this is not merely anecdotal. Our societal temptations and distractions do not redefine who we are as a people. And who we are has always been a people rooted in faith, law, order, and values; and yet, we are a people with an insatiable appetite for advancement and progress. To analyze our place in the world without such a backdrop is futile.<br /><br />While in a moment I will highlight what I feel is the true optimo maximus of this project, Mead leaves his readers with a deeply convicting challenge that I suspect will take a generation to accomplish. He posits, much to the chagrin of evangelicals, of neoconservatives, of those on the right, of those on the left, of internationalists, of utopians, of progressives, of protectionists, and of market-driven globalists, that much - much - is to be done toward the goal of "surfing the waves of global change." He vindicates no one in his work here, and challenges all. On one hand, he points out that "the Whigs will not build a global Tower of Babel, a single set of laws and values that overshadow the whole world". Yet, he also affirms that "those who resist and oppose the Whig civilization will be unable to free themselves from its presence." Understanding our place in the world requires a vigilant aggression against the forces of violence and tyranny that threaten us (the Cold War Soviets in the last generation; the Islamic Jihadists in the current one). But to Mead, we must "maintain a critical stance towards our own moral and political claims." We must pursue incremental and partial victories while simultaneously resisting the utopian fantasies that we can usher in the Kingdom of God. A "capacity for action and assertion with a capacity for reflection and self-criticism" is an obtainable and noble goal. Mead largely appeals to the teachings of Reinhold Niebuhr as it pertains to foreign policy, a Protestant theologian known for his conversion to hawkish and aggressive foreign policy, all the while maintaining liberal social and economic views. But beyond the specifics of various policy matters, Mead's appeal to Niebuhr is fundamentally an appeal for members of this Whig narrative, and members of faith communities more particularly, to "engage more intelligently, compassionately, and effectively with the world." Mead touts the incrementalism of Niebuhr, what he refers to as the idea of "just enough." His pleading is compelling: "American society is gradually gaining the capacity to play the global role to which its economic and geopolitical success has called it. And while I do not know to what degree Americans can gain the ability to conduct a more fruitful diplomacy of civilizations, I am certain it is our duty as well as in our interest to try (emphasis mine)."<br /><br />I have mentioned the massive historical task of Mead's work, and I have summarized his underlying thesis: that faith and pursuit of prosperity have intertwined in this historical experiment to create a truly exceptional society, and one with tremendous global responsibility in the present age. But it is Mead's last chapter, titled "The Meaning of it All", that ought to be required reading for every student from junior high school through advanced graduate school in the western hemisphere. This is, indeed, the optimo maximus (the best and greatest) of his project. He examines the claims and concerns that Anglo-Saxon culture will end up in the ash heap of history, alongside the Greeks and Romans before them. He wonders if the goal to "establish just, orderly, prosperous, stable and free world societies on the basis of liberal and democratic capitalism" is one of lasting significance. And, needless to say, he demolishes the pretensions that the answer to the former is yes, and to the latter no. For Mead, the contributions of the Anglo-Saxon world to the formation of a truly global society is a substantial achievement, and allegations that at the roots of this historical movement lie mere superficiality, materialism, and rank hedonism, are patently false. <br /><br />The aspirations of the American experiment to create a materially prosperous society do not pit material wealth against intellectual and moral strength. Mead asks, "if the project of material betterment is really the only thing that liberal society offers mankind, then what becomes of qualities like self-sacrifice, nobility, courage, and honor?" Indeed, if the end run of the American experiment is, as Mead jokingly mentions, Homer Simpson, isn't this an anti-climactic disaster? Mead is blistering, emphatic, and delicious in his answer to this "make or break" question. He believes that to interpret the material aspirations of the Whig narrative in this capacity is to not only "miss the essential point of the Anglo-American project", but "to miss the grandeur of the human race" as well. I quote Mead verbatim:</p>
<p><br />"The quest for more scientific and technical knowledge, and for the application of the fruits of that knowledge to ordinary human life, is not simply a quest for faster cars and better television reception. It is a quest to fulfill the human instinct for change arising out of a deep and apparently built-in human belief that through change we encounter the transcendent and divine. The material and social progress that is such a basic feature of Anglo-American society and of the broader world community gradually taking shape within the framework the Anglo-Americans have constructed ultimately reflects a quest for meaning, not a quest for comfort and wealth."<br /><br />Our quest produces material benefits, surely. In fact, the American experiment has also created many Homer Simpsons. But, and this can be said forcefully enough, at its root, the American experiment has not been one of mere material frivolity. It has been an "encounter with transcendence that requires us to leave the familiar and embrace the challenge of a new kind of life in an ever-developing world." Mead goes so far as to say that "capitalism gives full expression to the side of human nature that responds to this Abrahamic call to embrace dynamic religion with all its perils and risks." Mead captures here what I think is the essence of this highly toxic topic in the present state of affairs: It is mankind's innate pursuit of adventure and innovation and change and expansion that capitalism most fully cultivates - not mankind's depraved tendencies toward sloth and depravity. "Human nature demands conflict and competition, not tranquility and sloth." The lesson of the American experiment is the testimony to this principle: that men, in pursuit of the peace they crave with their Creator, are most capable to excel, climb higher, and pursue destiny, when the context they function within promotes their instinctive drive for development and growth. The Anglo-Saxon world has captured this, and civilization will never be the same.<br /><br />Questions abound as to what the future holds for the west. Great political and social questions and controversy abound. These are dynamic issues, and dynamic questions, and no black and white answers exist. How will the great project of the last few hundred years end up? Mead does not issue any guarantees. But I close with his prediction, one worth reading the entire masterpiece of a book to get to:</p>
<p><br />"I cannot predict how this will end. But it seems likely that as the historical process continues to accelerate, and even as dangers surround us on every hand, much of American society is going to approach this new and so far rather unsettling century with the optimistic faith in the invisible hand that has long been our hallmark. One way or another, large numbers of Americans are likely to continue to believe that the values that have shaped the Anglo-American world and by which the Anglo-Americans have gone on to take the lead in the last three tumultuous centuries remain the values that bring success in their daily economic and political pursuits. They will also continue to believe that these values are leading us westward and upward .. America will continue rushing forward, however steep the slope of forbidding the terrain, bearing its banner with the strange device: Excelsior!"</p>
<p><br />Loftier, still higher, ever upward, indeed. God Bless America.</p>]]>

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            <link>http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/2008/05/book-review-god-and-gold-by-wa/</link>
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                <category domain="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category">Book Review</category>
            
            
            <pubDate>Wed, 14 May 2008 09:43:01 -0800</pubDate>
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            <title>World War IV: The Long Struggle Against Islamofascism</title>
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<![CDATA[<div>Jewish intellectual, Norman Podhoretz, has left interested readers a rich legacy of material in the fields of foreign policy and international studies.&nbsp; From his 30+ year career at <em>Commentary </em>magazine, to four decades worth of extraordinary book authorships, Podhoretz has time and time again provided his readers insightful studies of moral nuances in foreign policy.&nbsp; His perspectives have infuriated his critics, educated his readers, and challenged international agnostics to better understand the nature of the enemies with whom America has often been engaged, and to better consider the aggressive solutions needed to secure peace and prosperity, stability and safety.</div>
<div>&nbsp;</div>
<div>His retirement from <em>Commentary </em>magazine did not result in the end of Podhoretz from public life.&nbsp; Not only does he presently serve as a key member of the Rudy Guiliani foreign policy team (a massive endorsement for the Guiliani campaign, I might add), but his 2007 release, <em>World War IV, </em>has perhaps best popularized a lifetime of work from Podhoretz.&nbsp; And the plethora of merits to the book begins with the very title itself.</div>
<div>&nbsp;</div>
<div>When I purchased the book, I expected a fine piece by a fine "neoconservative" writer, capably arguing the case for Democratic regimes in the Middle East, and insisting upon an aggressive posture from American leadership in the face of the Islamic Fascist enemies who would destroy her.&nbsp; The title, I wrongly presumed, was mere gimmicking, an attempt at marketing from those of us who hold to these basic ideological precepts.&nbsp; Instead, what I found in reading the book, is that <em>World War IV </em>is not mere semantics, and certainly not gimmicky, but rather the only appropriate phraseology in describing the post-9/11 era in which we live.&nbsp; While many may concur that we live in dangerous times, and may even acknowledge the tremendous vigilance required from America if the West is to be defended from this Jihadist enemy, I doubt that the historical significance of <em>World War IV</em> has properly been understood by even the most hawkish amongst us.&nbsp; Of course, before Podhoretz could rationalize describing the present conflict as "World War IV", he had to first explain what happened to "World War III".&nbsp; He argues that Newt Gingrich and others have wrongly labeled the conflict against the Islamic Jihadist attackers as "World War III", not because it is not&nbsp;a "world war" (he obviously believes it is), but because it ignores the fact that World War III is behind us (the generation-long struggle to defeat Soviet Communism in the Cold War).&nbsp; The claim that World War III and World War IV can not possibly be considered "world wars", because no participant in the war has claimed it as such, embarrassingly ignores two realities: (1) No antagonist in the first two world wars used such vernacular then, either; and (2) In this case, our enemy most certainly has labeled this a "world war", swearing Jihad upon <em>all global forces who do not take on Islam.&nbsp; &nbsp;</em>But beyond hiding behind the subjective definitions given by our own enemies, Podhoretz provides an objective criteria for calling this a "world war":&nbsp; It is <em>global, </em>it involves a <em>mixture of violent and nonviolent efforts, </em>it requires <em>mobilization of skill, expertise, and resources, </em>it involves a&nbsp;<em>vast number of soldiers</em>,&nbsp;&nbsp;it may go on <em>for a long time, </em>and it has <em>ideological roots.&nbsp; </em>Podhoretz argues from the outset of the book that the lack of clarity and focus that this terminology would have provided has cost the Bush administration dearly in setting the stage for the American people as to what the task at hand truly is.&nbsp; It is important to note that Podhoretz is not merely referring to <em>political opportunity cost, </em>but above all else, <em>ideological and military characterization. </em>Beyond Afghanistan and Iraq, Podhoretz persuasively argues that we face a decade-long battle with the enemies of the west that are Islamic Fascists, and that our own moral compass will be found lacking apart from a proper historical contextualization of the war in which we find ourselves.&nbsp; The term, "World War IV", is not only accurate and eerie, but it also is the only description full enough to communicate the severity of the conflict in which we are engaged, and the patience that will be required to win it.</div>
<div>&nbsp;</div>
<div>And this patience (or fortitude) required to winning World War IV is the real subject of this book.&nbsp; Podhoretz provides historical anecdote after historical anecdote of left wing opposition to the resolve required to win past global conflicts.&nbsp; He rebuffs in fantastic detail the ideological flaws of moral egalitarianism so prevalent in opponents of American foreign policy.&nbsp; His book is a pleading for patience and determination, not only from American leaders, but primarily from the American people, whose patience and resolve will be the key ingredients to a successful preservation of American way of life.&nbsp; The book is admittedly long on rhetoric, but it is long on content and ideas as well.&nbsp; It is a history reader for those interested, detailing the progression of American foreign policy from World War II to the current era.&nbsp; It is a non-partisan work, sharply (and rightly) critical of the <em>détente </em>approach of Nixon and Kissinger, and even occasionally critical of the Right's hero, Ronald Reagan, who Podhoretz believes was so [understandably] focused on the Soviet threat, that he often gave Islamicists a pass.&nbsp; The book provides praise and commendation to the legacy of Harry Truman (a Democrat, yet surely one who would be loathed in today's Democratic party), and yet provides a blistering critique of the foreign impotence found in the policy and practices of Jimmy Carter.&nbsp; The book does not aim to align Podhoretz with all shapes and sizes of the conservative movement, as he provides abundant defense against criticisms waged by such conservative stalwarts as William Buckley and George Will.&nbsp; In short, this book is hard to categorize in terms of who will like it, and who will not like it.&nbsp; </div>
<div>&nbsp;</div>
<div>But what the book abundantly succeeds in doing is this: It defines what the foremost issue facing Western civilization is today, and it contextualizes it for what it is - a violent effort from a radical and ideologically driven enemy who has become capable of unleashing massive pain and suffering to those it opposes.&nbsp; My review need not provide the apologetic for what Podhoretz and his like-minded co-laborers are arguing (I include here Kirpatrick, Wilson, Bennett, Hanson, Kristol, Kagan, and other distinguished Jewish, and non-Jewish, leaders and intellectuals).&nbsp; The simplicity of his underlying thesis is remarkable - that we, as the world's leader, have the responsibility to see Islamic Fascism defeated, lest it live to attack another day, and take with it innumerable human lives.&nbsp; As in the Cold War, "history 'plainly intended' for us to bear this responsibility", and Podhoretz argues with moral authority and ideological depth that today, we must "beat back the implacable challenge of Islamofascism as the greatest generation of World War II in taking on the Nazis ... and as its children and grandchildren ultimately managed to do in confronting the Soviet Union".&nbsp; <em>World War IV </em>is clear as can be as to what the task ahead is; it is not so clear in predicting the outcome:</div>
<div>&nbsp;</div>
<div>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;"I persist in thinking that we do, and that we will [beat back the challenge of Islamofascism], but the jury is still out, and it will not return a verdict for some time to come".</div>]]>

</description>
            <link>http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/2008/01/world-war-iv-the-long-struggle/</link>
            <guid>http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/2008/01/world-war-iv-the-long-struggle/</guid>
            
                <category domain="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category">Book Review</category>
            
                <category domain="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category">FEATURE</category>
            
            
            <pubDate>Sat, 26 Jan 2008 15:22:39 -0800</pubDate>
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            <title>Immigration Solution: A Better Plan than Today&apos;s</title>
            <description>
<![CDATA[Heather Mac Donald describes how an epidemic of crime, gangs, and illegitimacy is creating a new Hispanic underclass, and how the Mexican government aids and abets illegal immigration to the United States and thwarts state and local attempts to resist it. Steven Malanga shows how, despite much argument to the contrary, Hispanic immigrants produce a net cost to the American economy, not a net benefit, and he goes on to outline the kind of immigration policy that would be both liberal and in America's interest. Victor Davis Hanson writes about his own experience growing up in California's farm country and watching the Hispanic immigrant influx transform his state for the worse. The Immigration Solution proposes the same kind of policy in place in other advanced nations, one that admits skilled and educated people on the basis of what they can do for the country, not what the country can do for them. <br /><br /><br /><font style="font-size: 1.25em;"><b>EDITORIAL REVIEWS</b></font><br /><br /><b>From the Publisher</b><br />Heather
Mac Donald describes how an epidemic of crime, gangs, and illegitimacy
is creating a new Hispanic underclass, and how the Mexican government
aids and abets illegal immigration to the United States and thwarts
state and local attempts to resist it. Steven Malanga shows how,
despite much argument to the contrary, Hispanic immigrants produce a
net cost to the American economy, not a net benefit, and he goes on to
outline the kind of immigration policy that would be both liberal and
in America's interest. Victor Davis Hanson writes about his own
experience growing up in California's farm country and watching the
Hispanic immigrant influx transform his state for the worse. The
Immigration Solution proposes the same kind of policy in place in other
advanced nations, one that admits skilled and educated people on the
basis of what they can do for the country, not what the country can do
for them. <br /><br /><font style="font-size: 1.25em;"><b>What People Are Saying</b></font><br /><br /><b>Lou Dobbs</b><br />The
Immigration Solution is a cogent analysis of our illegal immigration
crisis and the public policy choices facing America. This book is a
critically important read for our elected officials and the citizens
they should be representing.<br /><br /><b>Michelle Malkin</b><br />The
Immigration Solution demolishes open-borders myths and provides a
clear, sane path toward an immigration plan that benefits America and
adheres to the rule of law. Heather Mac Donald, Victor Davis Hanson,
and Steven Malanga battle muddled amnesty advocates with impeccable
logic, facts, and principle. This book is not just a must-read. It's a
must-do.<br /><br /><b>Mark Krikorian</b><br />In this book, the writers from
City Journal again show why that magazine is so indispensable. Having
helped change conventional wisdom on the urban problems of crime and
welfare, they have now taken a hard look at an issue even more suffused
with sentimentality and cliché. The Immigration Solution is essential
reading for anyone seeking to develop an informed opinion on this vital
national issue. (Mark Krikorian, executive director of the Center for
Immigration Studies)<br /><br /><b>Thomas Tancredo</b><br />The Immigration
Solution is not just another book about the catastrophe cause by
millions of illegal aliens flooding our country; it is a call to arms
combined with an outline for a sensible immigration policy. If every
member of Congress would read this book, we might be able to beginning
the process of securing our borders and reducing the number of illegal
immigrants within them. (Thomas Tancredo, United States Congressman
from Colorado)<br /><br /><b>George Borjas</b><br />The divisive debate over
immigration is going to continue for some time to come. MacDonald,
Malanga, and Hanson lucidly present their concerns over the current
direction of immigration policy and offer more than a few suggestions
for change. Even if you disagree with their preferred policy changes,
their suggestions are serious, provocative, and worthy of careful
thought-and, regardless of your ideological background, you might
actually find yourself nodding more than a few times as you read
through the book. (Dr. George Borjas, Robert W. Scrivner Professor of
Economics and Social Policy at Harvard University's Kennedy School of
Government and the author of Heaven's Door: Immigration Policy and the
American Economy)<br /><br /> ]]>

</description>
            <link>http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/2008/01/review-immigration-solution-ma/</link>
            <guid>http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/2008/01/review-immigration-solution-ma/</guid>
            
                <category domain="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category">Barnes &amp; Noble</category>
            
            
            <pubDate>Sun, 06 Jan 2008 13:32:32 -0800</pubDate>
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            <title>The Nine: Inside the Secret World of the Supreme Court</title>
            <description>
<![CDATA[Based on exclusive interviews with the Supreme Court Justices themselves and other insiders, The Nine is a timely and provocative "state of the union" about America's most elite legal institution. From Anthony Kennedy's self-importance, to Antonin Scalia's combativeness, to David Souter's eccentricity, and even Sandra Day O'Connor's fateful breach with President George W. Bush, this book offers a rare, personal look at how the individual style of each justice affects the way in which they wield their considerable power.<br /><br />With the whip-smart analysis for which he is known, Toobin shows how-since Reagan-conservatives were long-thwarted in their attempts to control the Court by some of the very justices they pressured Presidents to appoint. That struggle ended with the recent appointments of John Roberts and Samuel Alito to the Court, and Toobin relays the behind-the-scenes drama in fascinating detail, as well as the ensuing 2007 Court term.<br /><br />As the Court continues to rule on important issues that will frame the debates in the 2008 elections, it is essential for every American to better understand how the Court operates. And as a CNN senior legal analyst, New Yorker staff writer, and bestselling author, no one is more superbly qualified to bring clarity to a branch of government that has been shrouded in mystery, yet establishes laws that affect the lives of every citizen in America. <br /><br /><br /><font style="font-size: 1.25em;"><b>EDITORIAL REVIEWS</b></font><br /><br /><b>From Barnes &amp; Noble</b><br />If
Jeffrey Toobin is right, Supreme Court decisions are decided less by
constitutional law precedent than by personality and political
intuition. His gripping behind-the-scenes account of the Court from the
Reagan years to the 2006-7 term shows how a consensus of moderation
grew in an environment of adversity. Drawing extensively on interviews
with the justices themselves, he reveals how such independent, even
quirky thinkers worked toward agreement on major issues including
abortion, affirmative action, the death penalty, church-state
separation, and gay rights. <br /><br /><b>From the Publisher</b><br />Based
on exclusive interviews with the Supreme Court Justices themselves and
other insiders, The Nine is a timely and provocative "state of the
union" about America's most elite legal institution. From Anthony
Kennedy's self-importance, to Antonin Scalia's combativeness, to David
Souter's eccentricity, and even Sandra Day O'Connor's fateful breach
with President George W. Bush, this book offers a rare, personal look
at how the individual style of each justice affects the way in which
they wield their considerable power.<br /><br />With the whip-smart
analysis for which he is known, Toobin shows how-since
Reagan-conservatives were long-thwarted in their attempts to control
the Court by some of the very justices they pressured Presidents to
appoint. That struggle ended with the recent appointments of John
Roberts and Samuel Alito to the Court, and Toobin relays the
behind-the-scenes drama in fascinating detail, as well as the ensuing
2007 Court term.<br /><br />As the Court continues to rule on important
issues that will frame the debates in the 2008 elections, it is
essential for every American to better understand how the Court
operates. And as a CNN senior legal analyst, New Yorker staff writer,
and bestselling author, no one is more superbly qualified to bring
clarity to a branch of government that has been shrouded in mystery,
yet establishes laws that affect the lives of every citizen in America.<br /><br /><br /><b>The New York Times Book Review - David Margolick</b><br />The
Nine is engaging, erudite, candid and accessible, often hard to put
down. Toobin is a natural storyteller, and the stories he tells--how a
coalition of centrist justices saved Roe v. Wade; why Rehnquist,
despite having loathed the rights granted to criminal suspects by
Miranda v. Arizona, eventually declined to overturn the decision; how
right-wing firebrands deep-sixed the Supreme Court candidacies of
Alberto Gonzales and Harriet Miers--are gripping.<br /><br /><b>The New York Times - Michiko Kakutani</b><br />...the
Supremes command more attention than ever, and Mr. Toobin's new book
The Nine not only provides a vivid narrative history of the court's
recent history but also gives the reader an intimate look at individual
justices, showing how personality, judicial philosophy and personal
alliances can inform decisions that have huge consequences for the
entire country...Driven by the author's assured narrative voice, The
Nine is as informative as it is fascinating, as insightful as it is
readable. It is an altogether crisper, livelier performance than Jan
Crawford Greenburg's book on the court (Supreme Conflict), which
appeared this year, and it gives the reader a far more tangible sense
of the court's day-to-day workings as well as a sharper understanding
of issues, like executive power, which are at stake in pending cases.<br /><br /><b>Publishers Weekly</b><br />It's
not laws or constitutional theory that rule the High Court, argues this
absorbing group profile, but quirky men and women guided by political
intuition. New Yorkerlegal writer Toobin (The Run of His Life: The
People v. O.J. Simpson) surveys the Court from the Reagan
administration onward, as the justices wrestled with abortion,
affirmative action, the death penalty, gay rights and church-state
separation. Despite a Court dominated by Republican appointees, Toobin
paints not a conservative revolution but a period of intractable
moderation. The real power, he argues, belonged to supreme swing-voter
Sandra Day O'Connor, who decided important cases with what Toobin sees
as an "almost primal" attunement to a middle-of-the-road public
consensus. By contrast, he contends, conservative justices Rehnquist
and Scalia ended up bitter old men, their rigorous constitutional
doctrines made irrelevant by the moderates' compromises. The author
deftly distills the issues and enlivens his narrative of the Court's
internal wranglings with sharp thumbnail sketches (Anthony Kennedy the
vain bloviator, David Souter the Thoreauvian ascetic) and editorials
("inept and unsavory" is his verdict on the Court's intervention in the
2000 election). His savvy account puts the supposedly cloistered Court
right in the thick of American life. (A final chapter and epilogue on
the 2006-2007 term, with new justices Roberts and Alito, was
unavailable to PW.) (Sept. 18)<br /><i><font style="font-size: 0.8em;">Copyright 2007 Reed Business Information</font></i> <br /><br /><b>William D. Pederson - Library Journal</b><br />Forty
percent of cases that reach the U.S. Supreme Court produce unanimous
decisions. It is the others that pose problems, especially those
involving issues that the elected branches of government have failed to
resolve. In a sense, the Court serves as political umpire, with its
decision making done in secret. The world of the Supreme Court has been
probed in books like Bob Woodward and Scott Armstrong's The
Brethren(about the Burger Court). Toobin (Opening Arguments) follows
their pattern with the Rehnquist and Roberts Courts, basing his work on
interviews with the justices and 75 law clerks (conducted on a
not-for-attribution basis). Toobin writes like a skillful literary
critic as he attempts to understand the character and values of each
justice, their outlook on life, and their jurisprudence. He makes a
convincing case that the Rehnquist Court was really Sandra Day
O'Connor's moderate Court-she was the swing vote for moderation. Toward
the end, Rehnquist largely gave up on transforming the Court in his
image. The future direction of the Court, i.e., whether it goes
extremist or remains more moderate, is clearly in the hands of the next
President. Toobin himself seems hopeful that Justice Stephen Breyer may
further promote moderation. Beautifully written, this is an essential
purchase for all libraries interested in the contemporary Supreme
Court. (The final chapter, on the 2006-07 term, was not available for
review.)<br /><br /><b>Kirkus Reviews</b><br />Abortion, gay rights, disputed
presidential elections and wartime powers have appeared on the Supreme
Court docket under chief justices Rehnquist and Roberts, but this
occasionally enlightening, often injudicious account focuses more on
prickly egos. CNN senior legal analyst and New Yorker staff writer
Toobin (Too Close to Call: The Thirty-Six-Day Battle to Decide the 2000
Election, 2001, etc.) raises red flags in noting that he conducted
confidential interviews "with the justices and more than seventy-five
of their law clerks." All the justices-even press-hostile Clarence
Thomas and Washington-allergic David Souter? Since these interviews
were "on a not-for-attribution basis," how can we judge, for example,
the claim that Sandra Day O'Connor found the presidency of George W.
Bush "arrogant, lawless, incompetent, and extreme"? This vague sourcing
is regrettable, because much about the justices' personalities and
deliberations in the last 20 years appears on the record. Moreover,
Toobin displays a gift for narrative and abundant insights into how
justice-and justices-get made. We learn that in the waning years of the
Rehnquist Court, the justices' isolation meant they influenced each
other not in chambers, but in public questions during oral arguments.
Over the last two decades, Toobin informs us, even the most
conservative justices have grown increasingly tolerant toward gay
clerks. In another tidbit, we hear that Mario Cuomo tantalized Bill
Clinton with his interest in the vacancy that ultimately went to Ruth
Bader Ginsburg. Despite periodic attempts at fairness, Toobin's views
color his characterizations. Liberal Stephen Breyer has "an almost
messianic belief in the power of reason,"while more right-leaning
justices are dismissed as crusty (the late Byron White) or "famously
pugnacious" (Antonin Scalia). Toobin's surprise that Dubya would
appoint justices of his own ideological stripe seems disingenuous.
Surely such a well-informed writer is aware of the confirmation
reverses suffered by LBJ and Nixon in the 1960s and, at a greater
extreme, FDR's court-packing scheme of 1937. A smart brief about the
high court that suffers from sometimes dubious and occasionally
inadmissible historical evidence. <br /><br />]]>

</description>
            <link>http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/2008/01/review-the-nine-by-jeffrey-too/</link>
            <guid>http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/2008/01/review-the-nine-by-jeffrey-too/</guid>
            
                <category domain="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category">Barnes &amp; Noble</category>
            
            
            <pubDate>Sat, 05 Jan 2008 17:02:50 -0800</pubDate>
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            <title>The Fight for Jerusalem</title>
            <description>
<![CDATA[Radical Islam has long desired to seize Jerusalem and cut it off to Christian and Jewish believers. In his revealing new book, The Fight for Jerusalem, bestselling author and former Israeli ambassador to the United Nations Dore Gold explains why the battle for Jerusalem is intensifying today. Gold shows why only Israel can preserve its holy places for Christians, Jews, and even Muslims, and why uncovering Jerusalem's past-and the truth of biblical history-can be the key to saving its future. <br /><br /><br /><font style="font-size: 1.25em;"><b>EDITORIAL REVIEWS</b></font><br /><br /><b>Publishers Weekly</b><br />This
exhaustively researched book by a former Israeli ambassador to the U.N.
(Hatred's Kingdom) reads like an informed diatribe recounting the
3,000-year history of Jerusalem, from its origins in Davidic Israel
through the Islamic conquests and Crusades, to its central place in
Arab-Israeli peace negotiations and global religious consciousness.
While meticulously detailing the role of the Holy City in the evolution
of Judaism, Christianity and Islam and the modern diplomatic battle for
its custody, Gold is far from impartial. He displays an intense
repudiation of fundamentalist Islam, and the perceived ineptitude and
ingratitude of the West toward Israel, which he considers the only
legitimate savior of the city. Warning of the apocalypse, he concludes
that today's Jerusalem is threatened by the "evil wind" of Islamic
fundamentalism; if redivided, he argues, the precious city will be the
next great victim of global jihad. Comprehensive and cogent, this book
may be a helpful resource to anyone interested in the historical and
theological antecedents to today's political quagmire. However, the
spiteful, defensive tone diminishes an otherwise fascinating history.
Christians and Muslims alike will find his argument disquieting, as
Gold repeatedly devalues the religious authenticity of their claim to
the city. (Jan.)<br /><font style="font-size: 0.8em;"><i>Copyright 2007 Reed Business Information</i></font><br /><br /><br /><font style="font-size: 1.25em;"><b>CUSTOMER REVIEWS</b></font><br /><br /><b>Why Israel should and must win the fight for Jerusalem<br />Shalom Freedman, a writer in Jerusalem, 05/21/2007</b> <br />In
the first part of this book the religious dimension of Jerusalem is
considered. The meaning of Jerusalem for Ancient Israel, for
Christianity , and for Classical Islam are accurately and fairly
outlined. In the second part of the book which considers the diplomatic
struggle over Jerusalem, there is chapter devoted to the Birth of
'Modern Israel', one to 'Jerusalem, the Palestinian Arabs and the
Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan', and one to the 'Arab- Israel Peace
Process.' The third and most important section of the book is devoted
to Radical Islam and Jerusalem. There is a chapter on 'Destruction of
the Holy Sites', one on 'Jerusalem as Apocalyptic Trigger for Radical
Islam, one 'The West and the Freedom of Jerusalem'. In this third
section of the book Gold gives a short history of the development of
Radical Islam. He tells of the Islamic destruction of the religious
sites of other faiths, from the largest Buddhist statues in the world
in Afghanistan to sites in the heart of the Arab world. He shows how
Western diplomatic concessions have not led to moderation but rather an
intensification of fanaticism by radical Islamists. He tells the story
of the Muslim destruction of important archaeological remains in
Jerusalem. He shows how radical Islam's obsession with Jerusalem is
another manifestation of the clash of civilizations between radical
Islam and other religious faiths and civilizations. The demonstrating
of Islamic disrespect and destruction for the Holy Places of others is
at the heart of his argument that Jerusalem must remain undivided under
Israeli rule. Additional evidence for this claim is given by the
Palestinian reaction to Israeli withdrawal from Gaza, and the Shiite
Hizbollah's reaction to Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon. Both of these
withdrawals did not lead to moderation and peace, but rather to more
violence against Israel. Gold shows how the Islamist Palestinians have
when given civilian control over a city or area persecuted and led to
the exile of its Christians .The most blatant example is Bethlehem
which has not simply lost its Christian majority but seen the greatest
share of its Christian population leave the City. Gold says that had
Israel in September 2000 relinquished control over the Old City of
Jerusalem to the Palestinians the result would have been the
destruction of a a good share of it. Gold also considers the
possibility of internationalization of the Holy City , and provides
convincing evidence that the U.N. could not handle this job effectively
any more than it handled the job in Rwanda or Bosnia. Gold also points
to the inherent prejudice of the U.N. against Israel, and says it could
never be a fair and efficient manager of the Holy Sites. This book
makes an airtight case for Israel's maintaining exclusive control of
the city.<br /><br /><b>AMAZING<br />A reviewer, A reviewer, 01/23/2007 </b><br />This
book has everything: fast-paced, blow-your-mind scoops, amazing history
and, more importantly, the ways to stop a dangerous worldwide campaign
that starts in Tehran and Kabul and ends in world war...and which runs
right through Jerusalem! I don't think I can ever look at the holy city
the same way again. And yet, for all the shocking parts, this turned
out to be a thoroughly enjoyable and colorful education about the
history of this ancient city, with authority and scholarship behind it.
Incredible!!<br /><br />]]>

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            <link>http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/2008/01/review-the-fight-for-jerusalem/</link>
            <guid>http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/2008/01/review-the-fight-for-jerusalem/</guid>
            
                <category domain="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category">Barnes &amp; Noble</category>
            
            
            <pubDate>Sat, 05 Jan 2008 16:44:10 -0800</pubDate>
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            <title>Looming Tower</title>
            <description>
<![CDATA[A sweeping narrative history of the events leading to 9/11, a groundbreaking look at the people and ideas, the terrorist plans and the Western intelligence failures that culminated in the assault on America. Lawrence Wright's remarkable book is based on five years of research and hundreds of interviews that he conducted in Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Sudan, England, France, Germany, Spain, and the United States.<br /><br />The Looming Tower achieves an unprecedented level of intimacy and insight by telling the story through the interweaving lives of four men: the two leaders of al-Qaeda, Osama bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri; the FBI's counterterrorism chief, John O'Neill; and the former head of Saudi intelligence, Prince Turki al-Faisal. 

As these lives unfold, we see revealed: the crosscurrents of modern Islam that helped to radicalize Zawahiri and bin Laden . . . the birth of al-Qaeda and its unsteady development into an organization capable of the American embassy bombings in Kenya and Tanzania and the attack on the USS Cole . . . O'Neill's heroic efforts to track al-Qaeda before 9/11, and his tragic death in the World Trade towers . . . Prince Turki's transformation from bin Laden's ally to his enemy . . . the failures of the FBI, CIA, and NSA to share intelligence that might have prevented the 9/11 attacks. 

The Looming Tower broadens and deepens our knowledge of these signal events by taking us behind the scenes. Here is Sayyid Qutb, founder of the modern Islamist movement, lonely and despairing as he meets Western culture up close in 1940s America; the privileged childhoods of bin Laden and Zawahiri; family life in the al-Qaeda compounds of Sudan and Afghanistan; O'Neill's high-wire act in balancing his all-consuming career with his equally entangling personal life--he was living with three women, each of them unaware of the others' existence--and the nitty-gritty of turf battles among U.S. intelligence agencies. 

Brilliantly conceived and written, The Looming Tower draws all elements of the story into a galvanizing narrative that adds immeasurably to our understanding of how we arrived at September 11, 2001. The richness of its new information, and the depth of its perceptions, can help us deal more wisely and effectively with the continuing terrorist threat.<br /><br /><br /><font style="font-size: 1.25em;"><b>EDITORIAL REVIEWS</b></font><br /><br /><b>From Barnes &amp; Noble</b><br />For
most Americans, al Qaeda began to exist on September 11, 2001. Since
then, we've been frantically piecing together shards of information
about this secretive extremist movement. But connecting the dots isn't
always easy. Lawrence Wright's The Looming Tower translates data into
meaning by tracing the rise of the group through the lives of four men:
two terrorists and two men who tracked them. Wright explores the
complex relationship of the bin Laden family and Saudi Arabia's royal
family. Perhaps even more significantly, he reveals the agency
insularity that almost certainly prevented the thwarting of the 9/11
plot. <br /><br /><b>From the Publisher</b><br />A sweeping narrative
history of the events leading to 9/11, a groundbreaking look at the
people and ideas, the terrorist plans and the Western intelligence
failures that culminated in the assault on America. Lawrence Wright's
remarkable book is based on five years of research and hundreds of
interviews that he conducted in Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan,
Afghanistan, Sudan, England, France, Germany, Spain, and the United
States. <br /><br />The Looming Tower achieves an unprecedented level of
intimacy and insight by telling the story through the interweaving
lives of four men: the two leaders of al-Qaeda, Osama bin Laden and
Ayman al-Zawahiri; the FBI's counterterrorism chief, John O'Neill; and
the former head of Saudi intelligence, Prince Turki al-Faisal. <br /><br />As
these lives unfold, we see revealed: the crosscurrents of modern Islam
that helped to radicalize Zawahiri and bin Laden . . . the birth of
al-Qaeda and its unsteady development into an organization capable of
the American embassy bombings in Kenya and Tanzania and the attack on
the USS Cole . . . O'Neill's heroic efforts to track al-Qaeda before
9/11, and his tragic death in the World Trade towers . . . Prince
Turki's transformation from bin Laden's ally to his enemy . . . the
failures of the FBI, CIA, and NSA to share intelligence that might have
prevented the 9/11 attacks. <br /><br />The Looming Tower broadens and
deepens our knowledge of these signal events by taking us behind the
scenes. Here is Sayyid Qutb, founder of the modern Islamist movement,
lonely and despairing as he meets Western culture up close in 1940s
America; the privileged childhoods of bin Laden and Zawahiri; family
life in the al-Qaeda compounds of Sudan and Afghanistan; O'Neill's
high-wire act in balancing his all-consuming career with his equally
entangling personal life--he was living with three women, each of them
unaware of the others' existence--and the nitty-gritty of turf battles
among U.S. intelligence agencies. <br /><br />Brilliantly conceived and
written, The Looming Tower draws all elements of the story into a
galvanizing narrative that adds immeasurably to our understanding of
how we arrived at September 11, 2001. The richness of its new
information, and the depth of its perceptions, can help us deal more
wisely and effectively with the continuing terrorist threat. <br /><br /><b>The Washington Post - Bruce Hoffman</b><br />Although
there have been many biographies of bin Laden -- two of the best of
them written by Peter L. Bergen and Michael Scheuer -- surprisingly
little attention has been devoted to Zawahiri, an Egyptian jihadist.
Lawrence Wright, a staff writer for the New Yorker who wrote a
memorable profile of Zawahiri four years ago, magisterially redresses
this imbalance in The Looming Tower.<br /><br /><br />Wright tells the
compelling story here of a symbiotic relationship between bin Laden and
Zawahiri: Their respective strengths complemented each other and
created a sum far greater than its parts. The two men's shared
strategic vision of a global jihad transformed al-Qaeda into an
organization that can punch far above its weight.<br /><br /><b>The New York Times - Michiko Kakutani</b><br />Though
the broad outlines of his story have been recounted many, many times
before, Mr. Wright fleshes out the narrative with myriad new details
and a keen ability to situate the events he describes in a larger
cultural and political context. And by focusing on the lives and
careers of several key players on the "road to 9/11" -- namely, Mr. bin
Laden; his deputy, Ayman al-Zawahri; the former head of Saudi
intelligence, Prince Turki al-Faisal; and the F.B.I.'s former
counterterrorism chief, John O'Neill -- he has succeeded in writing a
narrative history that possesses all the immediacy and emotional power
of a novel, an account that indelibly illustrates how the political and
the personal, the public and the private were often inextricably
intertwined.<br /><br /><b>The New York Times Sunday Book Review - Dexter Filkins</b><br />...
what a riveting tale Lawrence Wright fashions in this marvelous book.
The Looming Tower is not just a detailed, heart-stopping account of the
events leading up to 9/11, written with style and verve, and carried
along by villains and heroes that only a crime novelist could dream up.
It's an education, too -- though you'd never know it -- a thoughtful
examination of the world that produced the men who brought us 9/11, and
of their progeny who bedevil us today. The portrait of John O'Neill,
the driven, demon-ridden F.B.I. agent who worked so frantically to stop
Osama bin Laden, only to perish in the attack on the World Trade
Center, is worth the price of the book alone. The Looming Tower is a
thriller. And it's a tragedy, too.<br /><br /><b>Publishers Weekly</b><br />Wright,
a New Yorker writer, brings exhaustive research and delightful prose to
one of the best books yet on the history of terrorism. He begins with
the observation that, despite an impressive record of terror and
assassination, post-WWarII, Islamic militants failed to establish
theocracies in any Arab country. Many helped Afghanistan resist the
Russian invasion of 1979 before their unemployed warriors stepped up
efforts at home. Al-Qaeda, formed in Afghanistan in 1988 and led by
Osama bin Laden, pursued a different agenda, blaming America for
Islam's problems. Less wealthy than believed, bin Laden's talents lay
in organization and PR, Wright asserts. Ten years later, bin Laden blew
up U.S. embassies in Africa and the destroyer Cole, opening the
floodgates of money and recruits. Wright's step-by-step description of
these attacks reveals that planning terror is a sloppy business,
leaving a trail of clues that, in the case of 9/11, raised many
suspicions among individuals in the FBI, CIA and NSA. Wright shows that
9/11 could have been prevented if those agencies had worked together.
As a fugitive, bin Ladin's days as a terror mastermind may be past, but
his success has spawned swarms of imitators. This is an important,
gripping and profoundly disheartening book. (Aug.) Copyright 2006 Reed
Business Information. <br /><br /><b>Library Journal</b><br />Wright
(fellow, Ctr. on Law &amp; Security, NYU Sch. of Law; Twins) goes
back--way back--to 1948 to dissect the personal influences and
political radicalization that would lead to al Qaeda's attack on
America. Delving into the tangled roots of Egyptian political
dissenters, he carefully draws out the biographical background of Osama
bin Laden's number two man, Dr. Ayman-al-Zawahir, who was notable for
being implicated in the plot to assassinate Anware Sadat and later
became a key figure in Islamist groups as he allied with bin Laden. The
matter-of-fact story of the founding of al Qaeda is almost an
afterthought as Wright's narrative follows bin Laden in his business
and terrorist ventures from Saudi Arabia to Sudan to Afghanistan. A
chilling counterpoint to the story of this growing organization is what
little attention was paid to the trickle of information that made its
way to Western intelligence agencies. While illustrating the CIA and
FBI responses, or lack thereof, to the emerging threat of Islamist
terrorism, Wright attempts to tie in an important law-enforcement
figure, John O'Neill. At one time a counterterrorism agent for the FBI
who deeply understood the global nature of bin Laden's threat, O'Neill
ironically perished on 9/11 at the World Trade Center. The thrust of
O'Neill's story, however, does not merge well with the rest of the book
(for a closer look at O'Neill, see Murray Weiss's The Man Who Warned
America). However, Wright's research is exemplary, including dozens of
primary-source interviews and first-person perspectives, and he
provides welcome insight into the time line leading up to 9/11.
Recommended for large libraries. [See Prepub Alert, LJ
5/1/06.]-Elizabeth Morris, Illinois Fire Svc. Inst. Lib., Champaign
Copyright 2006 Reed Business Information. <br /><br /><b>Kirkus Reviews</b><br />A
comprehensive and compelling account of the events preceding and
causing 9/11, with a tight focus on al-Qaeda and Osama bin Laden and on
the men who were pursuing him before the attacks. Wright, a staff
writer for the New Yorker and the author of titles dealing with
subjects as divergent as "recovered memory" (Remembering Satan, 1994)
and Manuel Noriega (God's Favorite, 2000), has written what must be
considered a definitive work on the antecedents to 9/11. (He does deal
briefly-and horrifyingly-with the attack itself.) Wright argues that
the 1948 arrival of Sayyid Qutb in New York City was pivotal. Qutb saw
a vast battle between Islam and the West and was disgusted by the
decadence in the New World. His disciples would one day be myriad. The
author shows the psychological effects on radical Islamists of the 1967
six-day war, examines the rise of Khomeini in Iran, the assassination
of Sadat, the relationship between Saudi Arabia and the United States,
the Soviet struggles in Afghanistan, the attacks on U.S. embassies in
Africa, the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, the suicide attack against
the USS Cole, and other ominous, sanguinary events. But at the center
is the story of Osama bin Laden. Wright carefully charts bin Laden's
upbringing and gradual metamorphosis into the world's most notorious
terrorist. (In a long note at the end, Wright acknowledges the
difficulties of being certain of his facts in some cases.) The author
profiles, as well, the redoubtable and complex FBI agent John O'Neill,
who pursued bin Laden ferociously and then retired to become chief of
security at the WTC, where he died on 9/11. Wright shows with
devastating clarity that the CIA's reluctance to share itsintelligence
was a principal reason the FBI did not apprehend the hijackers
beforehand. Bin Laden reportedly wept with joy when the planes hit
their targets. Essential for an understanding of that dreadful day.
First printing of 40,000 <br /><br /><br /><br />]]>

</description>
            <link>http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/2008/01/review-looming-tower-by-lawren/</link>
            <guid>http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/2008/01/review-looming-tower-by-lawren/</guid>
            
                <category domain="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category">Barnes &amp; Noble</category>
            
            
            <pubDate>Sat, 05 Jan 2008 16:23:08 -0800</pubDate>
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            <title>Nothing Like it in the World</title>
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<![CDATA[In this account of an unprecedented feat of engineering, vision, and courage, Stephen E. Ambrose offers a historical successor to his universally acclaimed Undaunted Courage, which recounted the explorations of the West by Lewis and Clark.<br /><br />Nothing Like It in the World is the story of the men who built the transcontinental railroad -- the investors who risked their businesses and money; the enlightened politicians who understood its importance; the engineers and surveyors who risked, and lost, their lives; and the Irish and Chinese immigrants, the defeated Confederate soldiers, and the other laborers who did the backbreaking and dangerous work on the tracks. <br /><br />The Union had won the Civil War and slavery had been abolished, but Abraham Lincoln, who was an early and constant champion of railroads, would not live to see the great achievement. In Ambrose's hands, this enterprise, with its huge expenditure of brainpower, muscle, and sweat, comes to life. <br /><br />The U.S. government pitted two companies -- the Union Pacific and the Central Pacific Railroads -- against each other in a race for funding, encouraging speed over caution. Locomo-tives, rails, and spikes were shipped from the East through Panama or around South America to the West or lugged across the country to the Plains. This was the last great building project to be done mostly by hand: excavating dirt, cutting through ridges, filling gorges, blasting tunnels through mountains.<br /><br />At its peak, the workforce -- primarily Chinese on the Central Pacific, Irish on the Union Pacific -- approached the size of Civil War armies, with as many as fifteen thousand workers on each line. The UnionPacific was led by Thomas "Doc" Durant, Oakes Ames, and Oliver Ames, with Grenville Dodge -- America's greatest railroad builder -- as chief engineer. The Central Pacific was led by California's "Big Four": Leland Stanford, Collis Huntington, Charles Crocker, and Mark Hopkins. The surveyors, the men who picked the route, were latter-day Lewis and Clark types who led the way through the wilderness, living off buffalo, deer, elk, and antelope. <br /><br />In building a railroad, there is only one decisive spot -- the end of the track. Nothing like this great work had been seen in the world when the last spike, a golden one, was driven in at Promontory Summit, Utah, in 1869, as the Central Pacific and the Union Pacific tracks were joined. <br /><br />Ambrose writes with power and eloquence about the brave men -- the famous and the unheralded, ordinary men doing the extraordinary -- who accomplished the spectacular feat that made the continent into a nation.<br /><br /><br /><font style="font-size: 1.25em;"><b>EDITORIAL REVIEW</b></font><br /><br /><b>The Barnes &amp; Noble Review</b><br />What
is there to say about the transcontinental railroad? That it was really
long and very hard to build and took an awful lot of hammer-pounding?
That's just the beginning.... <br /><br />Stephen Ambrose, author of such
immensely popular histories as Undaunted Courage and D-Day, has created
an enthralling account of the building of the transcontinental
railroad, one riddled with ideas and facts, personalities and scandals.
<br /><br />By the 1860s, there were a few powerful men who decided they
wanted to see the railroad built and wanted to make a killing in the
process. As Congress balked at sponsoring any one particular railroad
route, these men formed two private companies, the Central Pacific and
the Union Pacific, one at either terminus of the track-to-be. Ambrose
details the political intrigue, bribery, and cajoling that went on
between these men and members of government to get the money, land, and
support needed to build this seemingly impracticable transcontinental
track. <br /><br />But the narrative goes beyond politics and finances.
After the introductory chapters, we take a year-by-year journey through
the construction of the railroad itself, alternating chapters between
the workings of the two companies. Ambrose describes the physical
undertaking of finding a route through the mountains without the
benefit of a bird's-eye view or a map, the men carrying their food and
water and, never knowing what would lie ahead. He writes of the deadly
hazards of using black powder to blast, inch by inch, through the
Sierra Nevada range. We watch workers grade the road, lay the rails,
and hammer the spikes to make the track grow, by manpower alone, at the
astounding rate of one to two miles per day. We learn of the Chinese
and Chinese-American workers who lived entire seasons in burrows
beneath six feet or more of snow, drinking tea and exploding tunnels in
the rock to lay track. We learn of the Irish and Irish-American workers
building from the other terminus despite violent raids by furious
Native Americans. In large part, this book is the story of the physical
construction of the railroad and therefore an illustration of the
audacity, perseverance, and even idealism of the men who built it. <br /><br />Kate
Montgomery is a writer living in Brewster, New York. She is the
coauthor of Dear Exile: The True Story of Two Friends Separated (for a
Year) by an Ocean.<br /><br /><b>From the Publisher</b><br />Nothing Like It
in the World gives the account of an unprecedented feat of engineering,
vision, and courage. It is the story of the men who built the
transcontinental railroad -- the investors who risked their businesses
and money; the enlightened politicians who understood its importance;
the engineers and surveyors who risked, and sometimes lost, their
lives; and the Irish and Chinese immigrants, the defeated Confederate
soldiers, and the other laborers who did the backbreaking and dangerous
work on the tracks.<br /><br />The U.S. government pitted two companies --
the Union Pacific and the Central Pacific Railroads -- against each
other in a race for funding, encouraging speed over caution.
Locomotives, rails, and spikes were shipped from the East through
Panama or around South America to the West or lugged across the country
to the Plains. In Ambrose's hands, this enterprise, with its huge
expenditure of brainpower, muscle, and sweat, comes vibrantly to life.<br /><br /><b>Publishers Weekly</b><br />On
May 10, 1869, telegraphers sent the word done from Promontory Point,
Utah, throughout the nation, signaling the completion of what Walt
Whitman referred to as "the road between Europe and Asia." The
transcontinental railroad, which connected the vast American
territories, cut the trip from New York City to San Francisco from many
months to seven days. Ambrose's (Undaunted Courage) epic account,
diligently and powerfully read by DeMunn, details the incredible
mobilization of manpower and financing that was "the very embodiment of
system." He tells it all with verve: the financial finagling, the
impulse to simplify by "exterminating" Native Americans, the
backbreaking work and the fierce competition between railroad companies
that fueled the effort. This gritty, momentous tale of the
personalities that pressed across the wild American West with rail and
tie celebrates the feat that brought the U.S. into the modern age.
Simultaneous release with the S&amp;S hardcover and trade paperback.
(Forecasts, July 3). (Aug.)n Copyright 2000 Cahners Business
Information. <br /><br /><b>Library Journal</b><br />The transcontinental
railroad was the greatest American engineering feat of the 19th
century. It awed legions of reporters, photographers, and others in its
own day and historians thereafter for its scale, innovation, and sheer
brute strength. Ambrose (Undaunted Courage) is among those latter-day
admirers. Relying on newspaper reportage, he presents the project
through the eyes of the men working for the Union Pacific and Central
Pacific and marvels at the blasting, gouging, grading, hauling, and
more that transpire as the rival railroads punched through mountains,
straddled gorges, and strode across the Plains in the race to link the
continent. The cast is large--armies of skilled and eager Chinese
workers, visionaries like surveyor Theodore Judah, and engineers and
builders like Grenville Dodge, who marshaled huge sums of capital and
solved intricate technical problems. Ambrose adds little to a much-told
tale (his book does not supplant David Haward Bain's Empire Express, LJ
10/1/99), and he blinks at the ruthlessness and misery that made
fortunes for the train barons. But in his hands every sledgehammer blow
hits hard and every blast echoes. Recommended for public and academic
libraries. [Previewed in Prepub Alert, LJ 5/15/00.]--Randall M. Miller,
Saint Joseph's Univ., Philadelphia Copyright 2000 Cahners Business
Information.\ <br /><br /><b>New York Times Book Review - Henry Kisor</b><br />Ambrose's
scholarship seems impeccable, supported by copious notes and an
extensive bibliography. He writes a brisk, colloquial, straightforward
prose . . . [It] may be a popular history, but it is also a complex one.<br /> <br /><br /> ]]>

</description>
            <link>http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/2008/01/review-nothing-like-it-in-the/</link>
            <guid>http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/2008/01/review-nothing-like-it-in-the/</guid>
            
                <category domain="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category">Barnes &amp; Noble</category>
            
            
            <pubDate>Sat, 05 Jan 2008 15:33:00 -0800</pubDate>
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            <title>America Alone: The End of the World as We Know It</title>
            <description>
<![CDATA[For those unfamiliar with Mark Steyn, he is the Canadian-born, New Hampshire-residing columnist who is likely the most popular editorial writer of any newspaper that syndicates him, yet he is mysteriously absent from CNN panels and Tim Russert forums.&nbsp; Indeed, as far as polemical skills go, Mark is unmatched even by other brilliant writers in the conservative movement. He lacks the flowery elegance of a George Will, falls short of the intellectual prowess of a Thomas Sowell (who doesn't), and yet surpasses even them in his ability to captivate readers, and render absurd the error du jour of the far left (particularly as it pertains to the topic of this book). <br /><br />Steyn's latest work, America Alone is the best apologetic I have read for a vigilant war on terror and jihadism, and yet it really does not even purport to be so. The explicit intent of Steyn's work is to demonstrate the utter disaster our European friends have created for themselves, and to lay out the case that only America can save the planet from global Islamo-fascism (a last hope that Steyn is only holding onto by a thin thread). In the course of persuasively proving said assertions (that Europe is doomed is nearly irrefutable, and that America is on her way to joining them short of some massive changes in thinking, is comparably demonstrable), Steyn drafts a compelling case for&nbsp;a militarily aggressive response to the Islamic threat. But even more than the traditional neo-conservative rhetoric that is so confusingly controversial in this day and age, Steyn reinforces that what is even more urgently needed is an immediate and emphatic change of heart/mind, culturally, from the American people. We have a military power unlike any that has ever existed; what we lack is a will and conviction to defeat those who would kill us.<br /><br />What Steyn has done in America Alone, is go far beyond the base reality that jihadists want to kill us.&nbsp; He actually dares to delve into the real cultural phenomena of what is happening globally, beginning with the unavoidable subject of demography.&nbsp; The numerical facts of the day and age we live in are these: Europe, with its pathetic birth rate is a self-extincting waste in the generational battles we face ahead, while the Islamicists are procreating at&nbsp;unbelievable rates. America, to its credit, continues to experience net population increase year-over-year, even apart from immigration considerations, though it is teetering on breakeven numbers as of late (sans immigration). However, Spain, Italy, France, and many others, are simply put: goners. They have long ago traded a vibrant culture of family and community for an apathetic socialism that has poisoned it into a dependent state of nanny-welfarism. They have forfeited the will to survive, evidenced not just in their capitulation to terrorists, but in their inability to reproduce themselves.&nbsp; That a continent of near exclusive Anglo-Christian influences for centuries has been replaced by rank secularism, with the most ardent demographic influence and growth coming entirely from the Islamic religion, is a historical fact that has to be understood and lamented. Steyn's analysis of this is profound, and commanding material. <br /><br />Steyn's work masterfully mocks the apathy and political correctness that is rampant in American pop culture (and across the pond as well, of course). I hesitate to steal his thunder in terms of the voluminous illustrations of this, but I dare say that after you stop laughing at the sharp humor Steyn uses to make his various points, you will likely find yourself with a peculiar sense of discomfort and disgust at the harsh realities he highlights. We have a dangerous enemy, and they are as determined to kill us, and yet the universal response amongst the left has been capitulation, appeasement, and inexplicable failures to deal with our problem. Political correctness has run amok, indeed. <br /><br />This book is a must-read for any student of culture, politics, the sanctity of life, and religious affairs. No analysis of the present immigration controversy is coherent without an appreciation of the material in this book (a controversy that&nbsp;includes some absurd advocates on the left, and on the right). The very word, "multi-culturalism", will take on entirely new meaning for any reader of this book. Disdain for American exceptionalism will have to be re-interpreted by any real American next time they observe such from your typical Hollywood star (or Massachusetts senator, for that matter). I came away from reading this book with a renewed vigor for the things I care about most in my life (family, community, church, freedom, ambition, prosperity, and faith). However, I also came away with a renewed commitment that we fight the ideological (and military) enemy we face in Islamo-fascism, and that we do so as proud Americans, whose historical commitment to economic prosperity and ethical principles are the sole reasons we stand alone in the generations to come as we fight the jihadist efforts to capture the west.<br />]]>

</description>
            <link>http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/2007/12/review-america-alone-by-mark-s/</link>
            <guid>http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/2007/12/review-america-alone-by-mark-s/</guid>
            
                <category domain="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category">Book Review</category>
            
                <category domain="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category">FEATURE</category>
            
            
            <pubDate>Tue, 11 Dec 2007 16:51:42 -0800</pubDate>
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            <title>The Case for Democracy</title>
            <description>
<![CDATA[2006 has been filled with some of the most wonderful book reading of my life, though I confess that a good portion of the 2006 book reading subject matter was determined by mental and ideological arm wrestling contests I have internally participated in for several years. I have been very public for years that my own commitment to a traditional understanding of "just war theory" was wavering, and that the terrorist attacks of 9/11 have forced me to evaluate a holistic understanding of foreign policy. I do, of course, mean "Biblical" in saying "holistic", but I fear many professing Christians are dissatisfied (or not convinced) of an important criteria I include in the definition, and that is "something that makes sense in the modern world". If the application of an allegedly Biblical principle of foreign policy contradicts the entire essence of other parts of the Bible, I am not willing to call it Biblical, no matter how many colonial settlers believed it, or how many first millennium church fathers wrote about it. Fortunately, as I have wrestled with complicated and challenging issues pertaining to ethics and foreign policy, I have operated with the comfort that God is not a God of false dilemmas, and that the holistic and Biblical ideology of these matters will, in fact, make sense in the modern world. With that peace and assurance, I have embarked upon a multi-year journey to challenge my own presuppositions about this subject matter, and to find resolution in the Christian response to "neoconservatism". The results have been most gratifying, and I am pleased to review the book that I feel most assisted my conclusion in these matters.<br /><br />Before the review, a bit more biographical context may be in order. My influences from a very young age were mostly William Buckley-style conservatives who instilled in me a foundation of anti-communism, and Reaganite Republicanism. As I progressed in my reading and love of this brand of political ideology, much larger influences in my life (my late father being most prominent here) taught me that while I ought to appreciate the fiscal conservatism of many of these great thinkers, and could even find much overlap in their social-ethical belief system, the pro-war, pro-interventionist Wilsonianism prevalent in many 20th century conservative leaders was dangerous and off track. The Christian Reconstructionist circles I was so incredibly influenced by tended to favor a more isolationist view of foreign policy, and in hindsight I can say was very unsuccessful in attempting to argue that they had the common ground with our forefathers on this issue. Consequently, I spent many of my very young years adoring the economic revolution of the Reagan years, but cautiously worrying about our efforts to undermine the Marxist-Sandinista regime in Nicaragua. My viewpoint was that the truth in the vast majority of policy issues belonged with the National Review, but that their defense of the Vietnam War was indefensible. Admittedly, aside from a very short-lived Persian Gulf War in 1991 (which I joined my dad in being ideologically opposed to, but being militarily supportive of our troops), this isolationism was easy to maintain, as the Reagan-led efforts to defeat the Soviets in the Cold War were successful, and foreign policy matters were easy to ignore from 1989 through 2001 (as the President of the 1990's made so abundantly obvious). My socio-political emphases in the post-cold war, pre-9/11 era were on such things as the Supreme Court, the tax code, and a slew of social/moral issues that continue to be crucially important to me to this day. <br /><br />I bring all this up, though, because there is something in the philosophy the United States of America took throughout the second half of the 20th century that should have been deeply disturbing to all of us as it pertains to our foreign policy with neighboring countries. It may have taken 9/11, and a slew of influences, studying, and reading, for me to experience the paradigm shift I am about to describe, but I am sad to say that the Wilsonian model of foreign policy, contra the sickening Kissingerism of the 1970's, should never have been abandoned in my youth. My attempts to combine strict fiscal conservatism with an obnoxious view of isolationism, while well-intentioned, were morally dubious, and intellectually indefensible. I credit a good portion of this clarity to the subject of this review, Natan Sharansky's, "The Case for Democracy".<br /><br />If any were to opine that they could not read Sharansky's work out of concern for the 293-page size of the work, I would happily tell them that the 17-page Preface, and 17-page Introduction would at least hold them over. Indeed, I believe these two opening contributions pave the way for what is a simply delightful read. Sharansky begins on p. xviii of the Preface:<br /><br />"A lack of moral clarity is why an Israeli journalist compared a kippah to a prison. It is why people living in free societies cannot distinguish between religious fundamentalists in democratic states and religious terrorists in fundamentalist states. It is why people living in free societies can come to see their fellow citizens as their enemies, and foreign dictators as their friends."<br /><br />This "lack of moral clarity" theme intrigued me early on in my reading of Sharansky, and captivated me throughout the book. I have heard many an isolationist equate Churchill and Roosevelt with Hitler and Mussolini in an effort to preach their isolationism. This inability to distinguish between the good guys and the bad guys can only be described as a colossal lack of moral clarity. Indeed, my recent reading of the wonderful Durham Bishop, N.T. Wright, demonstrates a disturbing lack of moral clarity in his describing of "dropping bombs on terrorists" as "further terrorism itself". The real points of contention to be hashed out in one's foreign policy ideology are crucial, but I find myself far more able to engage the dialogue when I have determined to enter the subject with a commitment to moral clarity. Contemporary critiques of the Bush policies in Iraq are sorely lacking such moral clarity. Indeed, if President Bush is wrong in 99 out of 100 policies and decisions pertaining to the Iraq war, and many valid arguments exist demonstrating ample poor judgment, he still does not enter the radar screen of moral villainry the way that Saddam Hussein did. Discussion of proper policy is important, but to throw presuppositions of egalitarianism into the dialogue pollutes the waters badly, as the notion that "the terrorists and us are all the same" reaks of a lack of moral clarity. Sharansky's base foundation is one that reinforces a commitment to right and wrong, to good and evil, to moral clarity vs. moral ambiguity. He embarks on the challenge of making the case for democracy by saying:<br /><br />"Now that we are entering what some have called World War IV, we must restore the moral clarity that helped win the last world war without firing a shot. We must understand the difference between fear societies and free societies, between dictators and democrats. We must understand the link between democracy and peace and between human rights and security. Above all, we must bring back moral clarity so that we may draw on the power of free individuals, free nations, and the free world for the enormous challenges ahead."<br /><br />Sharansky faithfully and eloquently demonstrates the failures of many in contemporary society to appreciate the distinction between free societies, and fear societies, between human rights, and rank dictators. He begins his work by providing a historical context for the "appeasement" approach of men like Henry Kissinger and Jimmy Carter, vs. the morally superior approach of men like Ronald Reagan. The key dividing line this book demonstrates to me is that a truly righteous nation ought not only base its policy toward foreign countries on how it treats us, but also on how it treats its own people. Indeed, history is full of examples of catastrophic errors in foreign policy being made because, despite all evidence of brutal treatment of a nation's own citizenry, we chose to befriend countries because we saw them as generally benign in their relationship to us. Time and time again, we have seen that nations who abuse their own people, and who deny their own citizens basic democratic freedoms, are not to be trusted in matters of genuine alliance with us either. Jimmy Carter openly confessed to blind trust and sympathy for dictators, justifying such on the basis that "they had never lied to him". Suffice it to say, various dealings in Syria and Egypt over the years may have produced a cynic in even Jimmy Carter, at this point (though I fear his own lack of moral clarity has ballooned so out of control, that he may be incorrigible). The tremendous paradigm shift in American foreign policy that Sharansky persuasively argues led to the termination of the Communist Soviet Union, was that President Reagan refused to befriend and negotiate with them as his predecessors had, even as they made substantial steps toward increasing friendliness with the United States. As long as they possessed political prisoners living in Soviet imposed exile, and as long as they continued to occupy Eastern European nations against the wills of those peoples, they were to be considered an "evil empire", something no predecessor to President Reagan had ever dared to suggest. This primary distinction has caused me to re-think much of what I have previously thought about foreign policy, and frankly to critique even those that I am generally quite supportive of (i.e. the current President Bush as it pertains to Saudi Arabia). I find the notion that our general foreign policy ought to be favorable to nations who oppress their own people, just because they generally "leave us alone", to be morally lacking, and pragmatically foolish. Extensive gratitude is in order to Sharansky for demonstrating this to me. The "city on a hill" that Godly nations strive to be do not make their list of "good countries" and "bad countries" as Kissinger had suggested, but rather, they recognize that a country that does not respect the rights of its own people will ultimately never respect the rights of its neighbors either.<br /><br />Much of the vitriol directed at many in the "neoconservative" camp stems from the perception that they believe democracy can be "imposed" on to a society. Indeed, even many sympathetic to what President Bush is doing in this war on terror express doubt and concern at the notion that democracy can ever gain a foothold in the Middle East. Sharansky spends the bulk of this great book using the Soviet Union and the fall of Communism as a great example for what can be accomplished in the Middle East. He writes:<br /><br />"When freedom's skeptics argue today that freedom cannot be "imposed" from the outside, or that the free world has no role to play in spreading democracy around the world, I cannot but be amazed. Less than one generation has passed since the West found the Achilles heel of the Soviet Union by pursuing an activist policy that linked the rights of the Soviet people to the USSR's international standing. The same formula will work again today. The nations of the free world can promote democracy by linking their foreign policies toward nondemocratic regimes to how those regimes treat their subjects. Those regimes are much more dependent on the West than the Soviets ever were, giving the West far more leverage to demand change."<br /><br />Far more than any defense of American military involvement in the Middle East, Sharansky's work has demonstrated to me that we do possess the leverage to spread democracy around the world through the simple process of improving our list of "good countries" and "bad countries". He writes:<br /><br />"More than fifteen years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the free world continues to underestimate the universal appeal of its own ideas. Rather than place its faith in the power of freedom to rapidly transform authoritarian states, it is eager once again to achieve 'peaceful coexistence' and 'détente' with dictatorial regimes."<br /><br />It is my belief that democracy is a political form of government that is naturally attractive to people, when they can see it, taste it, and experience it. Fear societies (such as the dictatorial regimes in the Middle East) are poor examples in attempting to show that many "do not want democracy", as the double-speak of their fearful citizenry renders such a belief impossible. I do not wish to use this review to re-state all of Sharansky's arguments for such a conclusion, but the inescapable conclusion for me is that people do desire to be free, when they are allowed to have that desire. Societies of people who are exposed to freedom, capitalism, and democracy always embrace it. Illustrations of past societies that failed in such "teasing" fall short at disproving this notion, as such illustrations always use nations that were hampered in their efforts to showcase and implement democracy. If Sharansky is correct that freedom is something sought by human peoples, I find it an inescapable conclusion that "freedom anywhere, makes the world safer everywhere". Democracy and freedom are contagious ideas. The Westernization of much of the globe has proven this all over the world. Sharansky argues, without suggesting that the United States need to lead a military crusade, that setting our policies along these principles will enable these goals to come to reality. His historical footnoting of what took place in the Communist bloc (which once occupied over 1/3 of the world), serve as a powerful precedent to what we currently face in the Middle East.<br /><br />The book delves into the subject matter of American military foreign policy when it makes the case for ending state support of terrorism, and replacing such terrorist regimes with democratic governments. He wisely points out that successfully building a democratic government will be predicated upon a free society being established. Like a good incrementalist, he writes:<br /><br />"Surely, the fact that democratic societies are not built overnight is not evidence that they cannot be built at all".<br /><br />We are asked to believe in the current war on terror that democracy in the Middle East is a complete impossibility. Sharansky responds with the historical precedent of Italy, Germany, Spain, Latin America, Russia, etc., and finds the doubt in potential Middle Eastern democracy to be less grounded than confidence in it. He objectively affirms that out of 22 Arab states, zero of them can be called a democracy. However, the historical parallel that Sharansky finds confidence in is not the precedent of Arab nations going democratic (which clearly has not happened), but the overwhelming precedent for any nation that converts from a fear society to a free society going democratic. Just as we must grant that no Arab nation has ever embraced the democracy that Sharansky writes about, opponents must recognize that these nations have been, up until now, "fear societies" (in the textbook definition of the phrase). The ability to transition these societies into place of freedom rather than fear will allow for a more fair testing of the belief that democracy and freedom can flourish where it is allowed to.<br /><br />"I am equally certain that once a people live in freedom, the vast majority of them will never want to live in fear again. To suggest, as the skeptics do, that the majority of people would freely choose to live in a fear society is to suggest that most of those who have tasted freedom would freely choose to return to slavery."<br /><br />The belief that democracy can succeed in parts of the world that have always been antagonistic to it is not the same as saying that the United States ought to play a military part in making it so. I prefer the language of Fukuyama, who wrote in "America at the Crossroads" that one of the major tenets of neoconservative thought is:<br /><br />"A belief that American power has been and could be used for moral purposes, and that the United States needs to remain engaged in international affairs. There is a realist dimension to neoconservative foreign policy, which lies in the understanding that power is often necessary to achieve moral purposes. As the world's dominant power, the United States has special responsibilities in the realm of security. This was true in the Balkans in the 1990s, as it was in World War II and the fight against Hitler."<br /><br />Critics who disingenuously accuse the United States of "nation-building", or "imperialism", are fully aware that we have never once occupied one nation on the globe with the goal of "colonializing" them, and that to this day, our efforts around the globe have been focused on bringing nations to a place of sovereign independence. Legitimate need for discussion on the propriety of some of these efforts exists, but these efforts are not "imperialistic", and the anti-Buckley, anti-Bush, anti-neocon, anti-war, anti-Wilsonian crowd knows this (at least if they are willing to demonstrate the slightest bit of objectivity and honesty). It is my contention that the "interventionism" we do participate in has the dual and simultaneous benefit and effect of (a) Meeting the humanitarian objective of freeing oppressed peoples, and (b) Making the world a safer place, which definitionally makes the United States a safer place.<br /><br />The purpose of this review is not to provide an exhaustive defense of humanitarian war efforts, or to create a comprehensive apologetic against those who would argue for extreme isolationism. Philosophically, Sharansky's "Case for Democracy" at least demonstrates the need for a policy of non-appeasement - a policy that embraces democratic nations and principles. What I have learned in a post-9/11 world is that democracy must be protected, and that has to be done with guns. I have learned, and am firmly convinced, that the Augustinian applications of just war theory fail to fully deal with the technological and political realities of today. I am certain that today's geo-political environment requires an interventionist willingness, and that such a willingness is both humanitarian, and defensive, all at once.<br /><br />This book is not an apologetic for the war in Iraq, and neither is this review. Exhaustive elaborations of a "holistic" foreign policy will be more readily available as I continue this project (though my subsequent reading of Mandelbaum's, "The Case for Goliath", greatly assisted this cause). What has happened in my development, though, is a paradigm shift that embraces the right and moral imperative of America to pre-emptively defend itself, and the inclusion in such a statement of the right and imperative to prosecute humanitarian wars. This has led me to a place of sympathy for our efforts in Iraq, and has led me to a place of outrage for our inaction in Sudan. My paradigm shift enables me to more intelligently study America's real role in the world (the Mandelbaum book is a required read), to better appreciate the true pragmatic threat we face in the war of Islamo-Fascism (Lawrence Wright's, "The Looming Tower", is a frightening gem), and to ideologically reconcile the Biblical teachings on war with the military conventions we face today.<br /><br />I maintain a great deal of respect for those who hold on to a more traditional view of just war theory, and those who wish to see America abstain from military conflict in such countries as Afghanistan and Iraq. What I emphatically request though, as like-minded people attempt to wrestle with these issues, is that we not forfeit all semblance of moral clarity, as the mainstream media, and many on the far left (and far right), have clearly done. <br /><br />I am not fond of the excessive coverage in Sharansky's book of the deficiencies in the Israel-Palestine peace efforts of the 1990's, though I accept at face value the validity of the points he is making. I also find intriguing his proposal for a UN-pullout, followed by the creation of a "Coalitian of Free Nations" (what William Bennett has argued for in his United Democracies concept). All things considered, the book provides practical and philosophical food for thought that is profound, persuasive, and provoking. I not only recommend this book for skeptics and sympathizers alike, but I recommend a thorough reflection on all of our own presuppositions about matters of freedom and policy. Indeed, it has been invigorating for me personally. I conclude with Sharansky's concluding vision, which I am passionately prayerful for:<br /><br />"Perhaps in less than a couple of generations, the world could become a community of free nations in which each country would build a democracy that suits its unique culture, history, religion, and traditions, but where no nation would be able to undermine the right to dissent that truly is God's gift to humanity."<br /><br />"I am convinced that a successful effort to expand freedom around the world must be inspired and led by the United States. In the 20th century, America has proved time and again that it possessed both the [moral] clarity and the courage that is necessary to defeat evil."<br /><br />May this be the case into the 21st century as well, for our own national survival, and for international peace and prosperity as well ...]]>

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            <link>http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/2007/12/the-case-for-democracy/</link>
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                <category domain="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category">Book Review</category>
            
            
            <pubDate>Mon, 10 Dec 2007 20:42:02 -0800</pubDate>
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            <title>Economics in One Lesson</title>
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<![CDATA[The study of economics has been essentially abandoned at public high schools in America, and based on what they are teaching in the field at public universities, we can probably be grateful they have delayed the "instruction".&nbsp; No social science or scholastic discipline is more woefully misunderstood in contemporary academia than economics, and all indicators are that this problem is getting progressively worse, not better.&nbsp; Out of the library full of books on economics that I have read, and out of the dozens that I could heartily recommend, no book is more profoundly important than Henry Hazlitt's 1946 masterpiece, Economics in One Lesson.<br />&nbsp;<br />What modern readers will immediately detect is that the book must have been written by someone with a crystal ball, if it were really written in 1946.&nbsp; Indeed, while Hazlitt was busy critiquing the post-war economic nonsense coming from New Deal Democrats in the states and Keynesian elites across the Atlantic, the book reads as if it were written to address the needs of our generation.&nbsp; How little we learn, and yet how accurate his treatise proved to be!<br />&nbsp;<br />The underlying theme of the book is that all bad economics amounts to some version of the "broken-window" fallacy.&nbsp; A hoodlum throws a brick through the window of the town bakery and a handful of on-lookers comment how good this will be for the economy, because the baker will have to hire the glazer to repair the glass, and this will lead to economic growth and activity, etc.&nbsp; As reasonable readers would reply, the on-lookers' fallacy is that they fail to understand that the funds the baker is now giving the glazer to repair his glass window are funds he would have bought a suit with, and funds that the tailor who sold the suit would have used to buy other goods and services, etc.&nbsp; What was good for one group (the glazer), was not good for the others (the baker, who is now without a new suit, and the tailor, who is without the money he would have made from selling the new suit).&nbsp; This fallacy can be illustrated in countless ways, but what Hazlitt does from the outset of this book is elaborate upon this fallacy, and use it as foundational wisdom throughout the book.&nbsp; As the book rigorously tears apart such economic failures as rent controls, minimum wage laws, price controls, and trade protectionism, he eloquently demonstrates how each and every one of these policy horrors are really just rehashed illustrations of the "broken window fallacy".&nbsp; As Hazlitt so perfectly summarizes, all bad economics essentially is "looking only at the immediate consequences of an act or proposal, and looking at the consequences only for a particular group to the neglect of other groups".<br />&nbsp;<br />I am amazed every time I re-read this gem at how needed its message continues to be through time.&nbsp; The trade protectionism rhetoric (and job protectionism rhetoric as well) of the last ten years has been appalling (from both the left, and sadly even pockets on the right, such as Pat Buchannan, Duncan Hunter, etc.).&nbsp; Hazlitt intellectually explained sixty years ago that to look at what is bad for factory workers, while ignoring what is good for consumers, or good for shareholders, is bad economics.&nbsp; The heated debates we currently engage in on national health care were academically satisfied in Hazlitt's work decades ago, yet our debate rages on.&nbsp; I can not understate my contention that parents and educators who value the free market, yet struggle to locate a book to summarize its basic value and mechanics, need to embrace this work.&nbsp; It is the economic summary work for any interested student of economics. <br />&nbsp;<br />The book of Ecclesiastes says that "there is nothing new under the sun".&nbsp; If the economic masterpiece, Economics in One Lesson, does anything at all, it reinforces that ancient truth in a profound way.<br />]]>

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            <link>http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/2007/12/this-is-the-latest-review/</link>
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                <category domain="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category">Book Review</category>
            
            
                <category domain="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag">economy</category>
            
            <pubDate>Sun, 09 Dec 2007 02:28:47 -0800</pubDate>
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            <title>Words that Work: It&apos;s not What You Say, It&apos;s What People Hear</title>
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<![CDATA[The November 2006 mid-term elections represented one of the largest political setbacks for either political party in American history, as the Republican party, spoiled by possession of the White House, a majority in the House, a majority in the Senate, and a majority of the governorships, sadly forfeited three of the above possessions. Indeed, were the one element up for grabs that they did hold on to (The White House), there is little doubt that they would have lost that as well.<br />&nbsp;<br />In the aftermath of this political bloodbath comes brilliant strategist and GOP operative, Frank Luntz, key player in the Newt Gingrich administration that led the last congressional reversal-of-power (the 1994 "Contract with America").&nbsp; His landmark Words that Work argues persuasively that a good portion of the problems in 2006, and the solution into the future, lies with the choice of words the conservative movement uses.&nbsp; Indeed, Luntz makes the case that it is our positioning of the issues that must be addressed.<br />&nbsp;<br />There is little doubt that he has hit on some major issues in this fine work.&nbsp; "Undocumented workers" does conjure up an image of people who can not find their paperwork, as opposed to "illegal immigrants".&nbsp; An "investment" is more positive than a "spending bill".&nbsp; "Energy exploration" does seem more environmentally friendly than "oil drilling".&nbsp; The "death tax" does tell a better story than "estate tax".&nbsp; Major issues exist that Republicans have an upper hand in with the American people, if they will simply use better words to tell the story.&nbsp; Luntz is wise to tell us this, and his book does an effective job of creatively positioning many of the semantics and words pertinent in the political atmosphere we reside in.<br />&nbsp;<br />But I would do the readers of this review a woeful disservice if I didn't you that no contemporary political commentary on the Republican party is complete simply by evaluating the tone, style, and rhetoric of our presentation.&nbsp; Luntz ought not paint a picture that our problems our merely with our sizzle, while ignoring the very real issues that have surfaced regarding our steak.&nbsp; Luntz's former boss, the brilliant Newt Gingrich, goes far beyond the inadequate choice of wording we use when evaluating the state of the party, and addresses the heart of the matter, which is a conflict of visions and ideas.&nbsp; The Republican party is in desperate need of a refresher course in our actual principles, and not just the packaging of those principles.&nbsp; Readers of this work would do well to remember that we are the party of ideas, and while those ideas need to be properly presented, such presentation certainly presupposes a commitment to those ideas from our party candidates.&nbsp; There will be no repeat of 2006 when those actual ideas come back to the surface.<br /><br />]]>

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            <link>http://www.redcounty.com/bookclub/2007/12/this-is-another-test-review/</link>
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                <category domain="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category">Book Review</category>
            
            
                <category domain="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag">Frank Luntz</category>
            
            <pubDate>Sat, 08 Dec 2007 02:08:16 -0800</pubDate>
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